File Name: gamble and gambles model of communication .zip
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Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. Most research on the causes of pathological gambling examines gamblers themselves—their family back grounds, personality traits, experiences with gambling, attitudes about risk, motivations to gamble, and genetic attributes. Such research can lead to a better understanding of individual risk factors in pathological gambling and to better ways to predict and treat gambling problems.
Another perspective examines changes in the social and technological environment surrounding gambling. From this perspective, we can ask whether changes in the organization of the gambling enterprise and technologies of gambling lead to more or fewer pathological or problem gamblers, or to new disorders associated with gambling. These are critical questions for developing sensible policies. Most of the research on these questions is only indirectly related to pathological gambling.
At the level of games and betting, there is considerable experimental research on the effects of game structure and game presentation on people's propensity to take risks or to make "nonrational" gambles e. Papers have been authored about how, at the level of society, legalization has potentially affected the prevalence of gambling and pathological gambling Rose, , There also has been.
More recently, researchers and policymakers are debating whether the spread of computer-based video or machine gambling is changing the prevalence or nature of pathological gambling Fisher, ; Fisher and Griffiths, Research has not established whether distinctive types of gambling organization and technology cause systematic changes in pathological gambling, but some of the research suggests such links may exist Griffiths, , , Much of what we know about the effects of earlier changes in the gambling industry and gambling technologies—such as the introduction of slot machines and the legalization of casinos in Nevada—comes from historical, biographical, and ethnographic narratives e.
This work suggests a close relationship between the social context and technology of gambling, gambling behavior, and social outcomes. For example, according to Barrett personal communication to the committee, , the most significant early technological development in horse racing was the invention at the turn of the century of a wagering system and calculating machine called the Pari-Mutuel System. The system survives today as "pari-mutuels. The system also gave rise to distinctive social roles bookmaker, professional racetrack gambler, punter and distinctive supporting technologies e.
Different domains of gambling have evolved distinctive cultures, norms, technologies, and social groups who have dominated gambling markets in their respective domains. For example, bingo has its callers and parlors and mainly women patrons. In general, "female" gambling domains are those in which gambling is likely to be less skill-based or to involve less. Kallick and colleagues noted that, in the United States, Jewish men were overrepresented at the racetracks and were also likely to have gambling problems.
This demographic pattern, which is not as discernible in current studies, perhaps was related to the proximity of racetracks to Jewish communities. In any event, there developed among these men a subculture of the track and racing lore.
Close social networks were formed among those who bet at the track or in offtrack venues; they would trade tips and loans. Rosecrance and Zurcher have also provided accounts of the role of social groups in gambling. It is possible that the subculture of some gambling domains buffers the effects of pathological and problem gambling. For example, friends who gamble together may exert mutual social pressure to limit their gambling expenditures. Such social processes surrounding the technology of gambling have obvious implications for the advent of home gambling and machine games that may also encourage solo gambling.
A large body of research suggests that today's gambling technologies and venues take advantage of people's normal responses to reward contingencies and to people's cognitive biases, perceptions of risk, and tendency to compartmentalize mental accounts of their expenditures e. Some authors argue that gambling represents the purchase of an intangible leisure good, like purchasing a ticket to the movies Vogel, However, because gamblers no doubt expect, or hope for, something tangible money , gambling might be less similar to viewing a movie than to shopping for a luxury watch or car.
The value of the activity draws in part from the social desirability of obtaining a rare tangible good and in part from the drama or pleasure of the activity itself. Risk may be part of the pleasure. Gambling is influenced both by the actual risks and rewards of games and by how people imagine these risks and rewards.
Most of the early experimental literature related to gambling focused on the tangible rewards in gambling and were derived from studies of learning through reinforcement and conditioning.
Animal and human studies showed that behavior that is rewarded intermittently and randomly is likely to be repeated in the same situation and will be highly resistant to extinction i. Thus, variable and multiple rewards in a gambling situation evoke more gambles and higher bets than single, consistent rewards do Knapp, Because most commercial games comprise intermittent rewards of varying magnitude, early learning research suggested that what it called compulsive gambling is a learned or conditioned behavior; however, since few gamblers become compulsive, intermittent and variable reward alone cannot explain problem or pathological gambling.
One possibility is that additional aspects of gambling reward experiences are likely to result in habitual or problem gambling. For instance, people are likely to continue gambling when they are ahead and can gamble "with the house's money" Thaler and Johnson, As mentioned in Chapter 2 , it has also been shown that near-wins e. With some exceptions e. A few studies report that pathological gamblers say they experienced a jackpot or winning streak early on e.
Perhaps every gambler remembers his or her first big win. Research on the cognitive processes involved in judgment and choice has been fruitful in helping to elucidate gambling choices and preferences and, by extension, the kinds of technologies that. For example, several specific cognitive distortions have been noted as possible contributors to pathological and problem gambling, including: 1 the misunderstanding of the concepts of chance and randomness, 2 attitudinal and belief inertia, and 3 improper resetting of mental accounts.
Each of these, discussed below, may contribute to biases in people's assessment of chance processes. Not surprisingly, many popular and profitable gambling products feature games that capitalize on biased judgments; many of these products are attractive to people even in the presence of very unlikely rewards.
For example, many gamblers seem to think that multiple gambles give them ''more ways to win" even when the multiple gambles are actually disadvantageous to them Cohen and Chesnick, And many gamblers also believe independent, random events are somehow connected Ladoucer and Dube, People generally have a strong need to impose order or meaning on random processes, and researchers have investigated whether people can generate random sequences of binary events such as flipping a coin.
Results show that they are often poor at both recognizing and creating such sequences Wagenaar, , may impose too many alternations on a sequence, or may equate randomness with a balance of event frequencies Wagenaar, These tendencies contribute to the gambler's fallacy, which dictates that past losing events are less likely to occur in the future Cook and Clotfelter, For example, after several heads have appeared sequentially in the tossing of a coin, it is hard for many to resist the temptation to believe that the next toss will not be heads once again, even though the odds are still 50 percent heads versus 50 percent tails.
In addition to trying to identify predictable patterns in random sequences, people also try to control random outcomes. Langer refers to this effect as the illusion of control. Gamblers have a variety of methods for exerting their control in gambling situations. For example, Henslin noted that some gamblers believe they can influence the outcomes of a die roll by tossing it softly for a low number and hard when a high number is desired.
Keren and Wagenaar found that blackjack players would often switch to new tables after a streak of losses in. Other blackjack players would try to interfere with the shuffled order of cards by drawing an extra card that they would normally never draw.
In this way, they believed they could break an unlucky predetermined pattern and put themselves on a winning streak. The attempt to impose order on random sequences also relates to overestimating the importance of minimal skill involved in some types of gambling.
This was described by Gilovich et al. That is, players occasionally may perform better than expected simply due to chance, and to believe otherwise may be a cognitive distortion. However, playing basketball involves skill. So, although a successful string of free throws may be the result of chance, it is also possible that a player's shooting on a particular day may have been much more skillful than normal and due to little if any chance at all.
As previously indicated, some forms of gambling e. Cognitive distortions can occur when gamblers over-or underestimate the chance and the skill involved. Other forms of gambling, such as slot machines, involve no skill at all but can nonetheless affect illusions of control. Griffiths asked those who gambled frequently and infrequently, "Is there any skill involved in playing the slot machine? Gamblers favor lotteries featuring complex games; they fail to multiply probabilities and believe they are more likely to win these games than they really are Cole and Hastie, These perceptions may explain some of the attractions of slots, lotteries, and multiple-game video machines.
Gamblers also favor long shots Griffith, ; Metzger, , a bias that causes them to win less than they might otherwise in sports betting. With experience, many gamblers lose their fear of taking risks, place larger bets, and bet more on long shots Ladouceur and Mayrand, Gamblers' reduced fear with experience may be associated with their tendency to create stories about events and anthropomorphize gambling objects.
Gamblers imbue artifacts such as dice, roulette wheels, and slot machines with character, calling out bets as though these random or uncontrollable generators have a memory or can be influenced Langer, More generally, gamblers desire, and think they can have, more influence than they actually do on random events Langer, They choose lucky numbers, get strong hunches about future random events, value numbers they choose more than numbers they don't, think they can influence a dealer's shuffle, and bet more on their own hands than on others' hands Phillips and Amrhein, ; Chau and Phillips, ; Lacey and Pate, They develop retrospective stories about systematic turns of luck, resulting in the gambler's fallacy about past losses Rule and Fischer, and a belief in winning streaks Myers and Fort, ; Cohen et al.
They also remember wins and explain away losses Gilovich, and become more comfortable with risk and what they are "learning" as they make repeated gambles Rachlin, The illusion of luck turning or of control increasing with experience encourages betting Lupfer and Jones, Rachlin suggests that gamblers frame their games in strings, ending each string after a win.
He claims people are especially attracted to large prizes because any win would more than eliminate losses. Pathological gambling often involves chasing losses Lesieur and Custer, This behavior is addressed by Rachlin , who argues that people who persist in gambling despite heavy losses do not adequately update their mental accounts. Normally, people keep track of their spending, winnings, and cash amounts mentally.
Rachlin describes how gamblers may not reset their mental accounts often enough to recognize the full extent of their losses; that heavy gamblers temporarily discount losses more in long, negative strings than in short, positive strings. Negative strings can be evaluated positively in the mind of the gambler if losses are discounted.
Furthermore, gamblers postpone. This model of chasing losses can describe at least some of the cognitive distortion in pathological gambling. Moreover, peoples' attitudes, beliefs, and opinions are remarkably resistant to change, even when confronted with overwhelming evidence to the contrary Klayman and Ha, This state of attitudinal and belief inertia is exacerbated by biased memories of past events. Some theorists have argued that people show evidence of a hindsight bias Fischhoff, After an outcome has occurred, people may claim that they "knew it all along" Wagenaar, —which may illustrate another form of omnipotence or an illusion of control.
In addition, gamblers may have better recall for absolute wins than for relative net winnings—because they gamble frequently, they may win frequently, and some of their wins may be quite large. Nonetheless, those who gamble also lose frequently, and given the fact that the odds are against them, losses usually surpass wins by a considerable margin. Yet it is the wins, especially the big wins, that tend to be remembered, and loses tend to be discounted or forgotten.
An important question is whether electronic slots, video poker, and video lottery machines, all of which are spreading rapidly and involve chance-based betting, are more or less harmful than more traditional games, such as racetrack betting and playing poker and blackjack.
Below are the available bulk discount rates for each individual item when you purchase a certain amount. Publication Date: March 01, This article includes a one-page preview that quickly summarizes the key ideas and provides an overview of how the concepts work in practice along with suggestions for further reading. Back when companies were smaller and the world was less competitive, that model worked just fine. But in , newly appointed CEO A.
Gamble and Gamble's Communication Model. Play Retrieved from http://nazarethsr.org.
Not a MyNAP member yet? Register for a free account to start saving and receiving special member only perks. Most research on the causes of pathological gambling examines gamblers themselves—their family back grounds, personality traits, experiences with gambling, attitudes about risk, motivations to gamble, and genetic attributes. Such research can lead to a better understanding of individual risk factors in pathological gambling and to better ways to predict and treat gambling problems. Another perspective examines changes in the social and technological environment surrounding gambling.
The advertisements in my case study show a spectrum of performance, from dads who justify their domestic labor with appeals to hegemonic masculinity to dads who seem at ease in historically feminized roles.
Research has outlined many negative effects of disordered gambling. While gambling disorder exists among all US sociodemographic groups, college students are particularly vulnerable. Specifically, two health communication messages targeting casino and sports betting disordered gambling were distributed at a Midwestern US public research university, and central intercept techniques were utilized to collect quantitative and qualitative data assessing student reception.
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